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Tierra Wools: Looking for Home in the Homeland
[1]
María Ochoa
While discursive categories are clearly central sites of
political contestation, they must be grounded in and informed by the
material politics of everyday life, especially the daily life struggles for
survival of poor people--those people written out of history. (Mohanty 1-
49)
This paper is part of a larger study of mine devoted to the examination of various groups of
U.S. women of color, Chicana, Navajo, African American, Chinese American, and Latina,
who are working on collaborative artistic and political projects. This particular portion of
that larger work is interested in the ways in which certain Northern New Mexican women
have come to collectively situate themselves as artists, as activists, and as businesswomen,
in order to effect social change which will benefit themselves and the other residents of
their village. This paper critically situates different oral histories in order to discuss the
intersecting roles of social agency and cultural elaboration in determining
self-representation.
The larger research project, from which this paper is extracted, grows from my own
political, social, and cultural stakes in current discussions regarding the emergence of
minority discourses. I am interested in the various forms in which women of color choose
to conceive, develop, and express differentiated and oppositional notions of
self-representation. Further, as a community activist, it seems important to me to
understand how women of color arrive at those moments wherein their individualized
projects became collectivized efforts. As a writer and sometime painter, I have personally
felt the power of creating critical fictions and images; therefore, I am curious to find
moments of artistic expression that emerge from collectivized efforts of self-representation.
Finally, as a Chicana, who occupies a number of other categories even as I stand under the
banner of political affinity called "women of color," I want to better understand how other
diverse groups found within the category come to define and express the heterogeneity of
their particular cultural identities. Towards this goal, I am concerned with examining the
local conditions that were necessary for this particular grouping to emerge; the context of
the larger historical, social, and cultural circumstances which shaped the group; and the
specific diversity of the group with regard to cultural heritage, class, and generation.
+++
Our ancestors came to this valley nearly 200 years ago
seeking pasture for their sheep. They lived off the land surviving harsh
mountain isolation through cooperation and self reliance. These values
created Tierra Wools which is one of the programs of Ganados del
Valle (Livestock Growers of the Valley). Ganados aims to
insure that weaving, wool growing, and shepherding continue as a way of
life here. [2]
Tierra Wools is the name of a decade old Northern New Mexico based weaving cooperative
of Hispanas [3] based in the Chama Valley in the village of Los Ojos. In 1981 the
cooperative existed as an idea in the minds of three people. In 1992 it operated as a quarter
million dollar local economic development venture consisting of thirty workers. Of these
workers, there are twenty-nine women and one man; most of the women are Hispanas of
mestiza ancestry; two are Indias; and two of the women are Anglo. Their ages range from
eighteen to sixty. They are single women and married women, mothers and grandmothers,
and many come from families that have lived in the area for more than two generations.
Some of the weavers learned their art at their grandmothers' knees and others are new to
the art form. They each brought a commitment to making Tierra Wools a success whose
accomplishments, in turn, meant a number of positive things for the villagers.
Tierra Wools was begun as a means of economic survival; the weaving cooperative was
created to provide an economic form of community. The growing membership of women
and their effective creative collaborations have provided the Hispanas with a certain kind of
economic agency. That this small group of committed villagers would, with no personal
capital, limited or no weaving skills, and no marketing experience, successfully establish
and maintain a small business in a world of increased globalization of capital is remarkably
significant. However, the achievements of this venture have been long in coming. In spite
of its seemingly large annual income, the Hispanas' weaving cooperative members exist
close to the economic edge. The most successful weaver's annual salary is no more than
$17,000. As a young business venture, Tierra Wools is most vulnerable to the current
trajectory of an economic recession; and because they continue to operate almost
exclusively out of their isolated store-front offices in Los Ojos, a rural village that is almost
three hours north of Santa Fé, they are highly dependent on seasonal tourism. This
reliance on tourist travel means that their peak periods of positive cash flow are the spring
and summer months. They make very little money during the winter when the mountainous
roads leading to the village are snow-bound.
The Hispanas of this village are not new to economic struggle, however, and this project
was about more than creating a small business. The weaving cooperative was also a
cultural reclamation and reinvention project. The woven art made by Tierra Wools weavers
reflects the historical confluence of Native, Spanish colonial, and Mexican mestizaje
cultures as interpreted by late 20th century artisans who in their turn are affected by the
electronic media, computer technologies, and other forms of mass communication. The
Hispanas of Tierra Wools, through the assistance of an Anglo weaver, Hispana community
organizer, and neighboring Navajo weavers, came to learn the various weaving traditions
which were historically centered in this valley. That cultural knowledge provided them with
another way of understanding themselves in relation to being Hispana, and this in turn
allowed for Tierra Wools members to re-consider and to re-present themselves in the
myriad ways in which they operate in the course of their lives.
In order to understand how the successes of Tierra Wools can encompass all of these
discrete accomplishments, it is important to briefly revisit some of the history prior to the
establishment of the cooperative. Over time, whenever villagers living in Northern New
Mexico, especially the Chama Valley, were asked what the issue of the day was, they more
than likely responded with the answer "land." The answer to this question had probably not
changed for about three hundred years. This territory is sparsely populated, but for those
people, past and present, who have lived here there is a great value placed on the
relationship of people to the land and on the number of generations that one can count as
having family stewardship to "The Land." [4] New Mexican cultural anthropologist,
Frances Quintana, has pointed out that two consistent characteristics of the many social and
cultural conflicts in Northern New Mexico are rooted in the way land was represented in
the imaginary and how it was constituted as capital.
The resulting social, economic, and cultural structures that have emerged in Northern New
Mexico within the tensions of political economy and cultural traditions have been rendered
into a particular form of belonging. This structure of belonging, identified as being unique
to Latina/o populations, has been named as 'cultural citizenship.' Cultural citizenship as
defined by Rina Benmayor are those "affirmative actions toward empowerment are claims
for a 'cultural citizenship' based on human, social, and cultural values, rather than on legal
rights." The works of Tierra Wools seem to exemplify this particularized notion of Latina/o
belonging by the fact that the Hispanas/os have successfully shown that despite generations
of poverty and disadvantage they are not passive, do not "accept their fate," and are actively
searching for ways to improve their collective and personal lives through cultural
expression.
Three Visionaries, Some Suspicions, and a Beginning
María Varela had been a member of the early Civil Rights Movement organization, the
Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). She served as both a national staff
member in New York and as an organizer in Mississippi. [5] During her tenure with
SNCC, Julian Bond introduced her to Reyes Lopez Tijerina (Jackson 37). Lopez Tijerina
was, at the time, the primary leader of the North New Mexico land grant movement, and he
invited María to work with him. María arrived in Northern New Mexico in 1969. After a
few months with Lopez Tijerina, she left his organization and worked on land-related
issues with other people living in the Chama Valley. She fell in love with and married one
of the villagers. María and her husband lived modestly in their trailer on the edge of the
village Los Ojos. In the years that followed, María worked with other villagers to establish
first an agricultural cooperative, then later she helped re-establish a local health clinic.
Ironically, it was her history of activism and tendency for engaging in direct action that
made her suspect in some people's eyes. So when she sat down for a kitchen table
meeting, in 1981, with two other Northern New Mexican villagers, she was still thought of
as an "outside agitator" by Antonío Manzanares, a sheep rancher. The meeting had
been called by Gumercindo Salazar, a school teacher and part-time sheep rancher. Both
Antonío and Gumercindo counted generations of their families as villagers in
Northern New Mexico. However, their provinciality was not so paramount as to obscure
their shared vision of a much improved quality of life for the villagers of the area. They
talked about their visions and they also shared their suspicions regarding each others'
political motivations. [6] In deference to their political suspicions and in respect to the need
for a social strategy, the three chose to participate in a series of kitchen table sessions which
were informal.
The trio came together with the common vision of improving the quality of life for the
village that included developing a business enterprise that would utilize local resources,
creating jobs for people living in the area, and preserving the region's unique cultural
identity. In addition, Antonío and Gumercindo were frustrated by the lack of
sufficient grazing land for their small flocks and the out-migration by local people seeking
paid work. [7] All three were interested in asserting more local control over the prevailing
economic conditions of the region; but above all, they were all three committed to the
people and the land. María, Antonío, and Gumercindo were college
graduates who over the years had opportunities to build professional careers. These jobs,
however, required that they, like so many before, leave the village. Instead each of the
three for their own reasons chose to remain in Rio Arriba County. [8]
María, Antonío, and Gumercindo held regular brainstorming sessions out of
which a collective vision and strategy began to emerge. In keeping with many of the
cultural and economic traditions of the area, they imagined a cooperative venture where
villagers could raise sheep which in turn would provide wool for spinning (Jackson 39;
Ryan 10). From 1981 to 1983, Gumercindo, Antonío, and María were able
to launch their program by successfully reinstituting communal shepherding practices in the
area. [9] The interest of local residents and the propitious collaboration of the organizers
meant that the establishment of an institution was now feasible and desirable. It was
possible for Ganados del Valle to be born. [10] The market for lamb fell into two
categories: wool and meat, and so did the division of labor and efforts of the Ganados
leadership. Antonío and Gumercindo coordinated the sheep ranching; María
headed the wool production component which eventually became Tierra Wools.
Suspicions Fade, Tierra Wools Emerges
As their initial project, Ganados members chose the craft of spinning to enter into the wool
production aspects of their venture because it required little capital outlay. They began their
research and development work by meeting and talking with weavers and spinners
throughout New Mexico. Rachel Brown, a nationally regarded Anglo weaver, spinner,
educator, and successful business owner from Taos, was introduced to María. [11]
Rachel said of this first meeting,
I was working with a group called The Mountain and
Valley Wool Association, and a member who was active in that group
introduced us (María and Rachel). We met for lunch one time and
we just got along great immediately. We talked about the project, and I
decided to go up there for a visit. [12]
When she arrived in Los Ojos in 1983, Rachel found "the lustrous, long-stapled wool of
the region perfect for hand spinning. I [also] saw in the community an intense interest in
spinning and weaving...and an interest in learning to use a spinning wheel." [13] Most
spinners in the area had spun wool on a hand spindle called a malacate. They had never
used the more expedient spinning wheel. Because of the speed and the opportunity for
greater quality control made possible by the use of the spinning wheel, it became a tool that
was vital to the success of the nascent art project. Rachel suggested holding a workshop in
order to introduce the wheel to the local spinners. A few weeks later she returned to
conduct a spinning workshop and more than fifteen participants attended.
After the workshop, she also visited an exhibition of weavings by local residents at the
community health center. After viewing the exhibit, she asked to meet the creators of the
works and was taken to a former convent in the village. There she found several women
elders working on looms crowded next to each other in a tiny room. Both María
and Rachel agreed that the generational interest in weaving and quality of the weavings
suggested the inclusion of woven goods into their enterprising efforts. [14] The parameters
of their artistic venture were established: Tierra Wools would be involved in the spinning
and weaving of locally grown wool products. The hand-woven items, produced by the
local weavers, were initially done in the traditional weaving style of the Rio Grande. Rugs
and blankets with stripes and geometric designs such as the saltillo, a chevron design
typical to Mexican and New Mexican weaving, and the vallero, a star design of Spanish
origin, were made with natural and hand-dyed colors (Tafoya).
Rachel Brown was hired as a consultant with money which María raised from
politically progressive funds such as the Shalan Foundation. For the first year Rachel
commuted the 160 mile round-trip to Los Ojos once a week on Tuesdays to conduct
spinning and weaving classes. In the winter when snow storms blocked the mountainous
pass between Taos and Los Ojos, she traveled an additional 100 miles each way in order to
teach classes. The curriculum, which was specifically designed for Tierra Wools by
Rachel, was covered in fifty lessons. The class content included beginning and advanced
weaving, spinning, dyeing, and marketing. The training required applied arts projects,
two-hour lectures and/or demonstrations, and reading assignments. The first training series
was, of course, conducted by Rachel. Those participants who graduated earned the title of
Maestra. They were expected to teach the curriculum to subsequent classes. Rachel had
designed and written the curriculum specifically for the needs of the cooperative. However,
her contract with the cooperative included a provision which specifically stated that the
curriculum was the property of the Tierra Wools cooperative. This contractual provision
ensured the continuation of the training through peer education and it made the cooperative
more independent of Rachel.
In addition to the technical training, Rachel also "taught" the women aesthetics as they
created their woven projects. Rachel said,
I was designing the products that they would do...[and
providing] ...guidelines for picking colors because their color sense was
kind of wild. Their color sense was very limited. At first, I made the
guidelines and I said, "OK, now the rug had to be 2/3 one value, not just
half light and half dark." I kind of figured things out in my head that were a
few simple rules, and within that they could choose whatever colors they
wanted. [15]
This aspect of the training raises serious questions about the nature of and the formulation
of creative expression within the parameters of aesthetics that were imposed upon the
weavers. However, all of the weavers that were interviewed felt that Rachel had benefited
their work in color. Possibly this sense of having been assisted stems from the fact that
Tierra Wools sales have been high; it is exciting and personally complimentary to many of
the weavers when their works are purchased. When Rachel established an aesthetics
guideline, she was probably grounding her criteria in the marketing and sales of the woven
products as much as her own personal sense of weaving aesthetics. Her motives were not
sinister, but the ways in which she developed the nascent weavers' "color sense" seems
undermining to their emergent notions of weaving aesthetics.
It seems that this aspect of the training might have contributed in part to the fact that initially
it was a frightening idea for the Hispanas to think of themselves as artists. [16] However,
as the beginning weavers came to gain more confidence in their abilities, they lost the fear
and gained self-confidence in their work, as well as in their personal lives. [17] Today they
need no encouragement or prompting to call themselves artists or weavers. In fact, they
look to other Northern New Mexico weavers, such as neighboring Navajo women, for
ideas and support.
As has been the case over the centuries, there continues to be a blending of cultures which
emerges in people's lives. Most notably for the weavers, the manifestation of the
cross-over occurs in their woven works. For example, the pattern of a tapestry woven by
María "Nena" Russom was comprised of a pattern which was inspired by a tile
floor she saw while watching a film video rental. About this technologically induced
inspiration she said,
One day I was watching the movie "Beetlejuice", and I
saw that the tile on the floor looked three-dimensional. So, I stopped the
video and copied the pattern onto a sheet of paper. I later wove a rug that
had the three dimensional look like the tile had. I like doing stuff like that
(Terrazas interview).
Or as in the case of Sophie Martínez, some weavers look to the everyday for
inspiration in their weaving patterns and combine thelr ideas with material from art books
and musuem catalogues. She said,
Most of the ideas that I have are from things that I see. It
could be a shape or something. Lots of times I take ideas from books on
weaving and make them unique. I combine those ideas with my own
shapes. (Sophie Martínez interview)
Because the work of Tierra Wools eventually attracted international attention in the world of
weavers and wool growers, it has not been uncommon for people from as far away as
Germany, England, Ireland, Japan, New Zealand, and Argentina to make the long trek to
the Tierra Wools store. During such visits there are frequently exchanges of weaving ideas,
patterns, and technologies between the Hispanas and their visitors. However, one of the
most influential opportunities for the weavers happens when they travel out of the area on
behalf of Tierra Wools. When they are "on the road" whether it is to the Smithsonian
Museum for a cultural fair, to Bloomingdale's in Manhattan for a display of weavings, or
to a wool growers convention in San Anton’o, the Hispanas who travel seize the moments
for creative inspiration.
For those times when the weavers relied mostly on each other for inspiration they
sometimes utilized a creative brainstorming technique Rachel Brown practiced in her work
and taught them. They worked in a circle with colored paper and paste. Each participant
started a design and at a certain designated moment they passed their designs to the weaver
next to them. The task then was to add to and complete the design already begun. In this
way each weaver learned to work with different colors and designs and "problem-solved"
her way into and out of a pre-determined artistic setting. Another interesting aspect of this
sharing is that the group activity transformed the individual ownership of a creative design
into an act that solicits, incorporates, and builds on the creative synergy of the group. [18]
Collaborative Artistic Works
While it can be said that Tierra Wools is a weaving cooperative of Hispanas, it is important
to note that Tierra Wools was not born of a sisterhood whose foundation was a 'politics of
unity' solely based on gender (Alarcón). Rather, Tierra Wools came out of 'pursuit
of solidarity' through different political formations. The weaving cooperative members
were not unlike many of their women of color urban and suburban counterparts in that they
saw themselves as operating within a broad political and cultural terrain that included
making many kinds of alliances. As a result, they did not hold rigid or fixed notions about
the ethnic or cultural backgrounds, or the sex, or the class position that allowed or
permitted one to become a Member-owner of the cooperative. [19] This attitude likely
contributed to the fact that even though the weaving cooperative is predominantly
comprised of Hispanas, there are weavers who are of other cultural backgrounds, and there
is one man who weaves.
When asked if they considered themselves "feminists," the interviewed members of Tierra
Wools neither embraced nor rejected the category; they were all indifferent to the notion.
While their lives as women had clearly been marked by the experiences of building the
weaving cooperative, and while they were very much a part of a cooperative comprised of
women weavers, their work within a women-run business was not critically examined.
However, the notion of a tentative "sisterhood" existed for some of the women as they
talked about their relationship to another group, the Rainbow Weavers, which was
comprised of Navajo women. Nena Russom said of their relationship,
The Rainbow Weavers are Indian weavers. We kind of
call them our sisters, kind of, because we help them out and they help us
out.
Some of the women responded to the question by talking about how their lives had been
altered by becoming weavers. Joanna Terrazas was one woman for whom becoming a
weaver meant a change of life goals. As of 1992, Joanna was a member of the Ganados del
Valle Board of Directors as well as a Member-owner of Tierra Wools. Joanna's affiliation
began in 1983 when her husband, Randy, was talking to Anton’o Manzanares. Anton’o
mentioned the new weaving enterprise and encouraged Randy to send Joanna over to the
classes. Her paid work at that time was painting details on brass model trains and
crocheting wearing apparel. Joanna approached the spinning group and was invited into the
class; she along with seven others were the first students of Rachel's training program.
Joanna said of her early experiences in the cooperative,
I started just crocheting, and then I went on to spinning
and to the weaving. Then I started to get into the management part of the
business. Last year my health got real bad, and I felt it was because I was
Marketing Manager, Vice President of Ganados, and I was weaving. I felt
like an octopus. So I eliminated a lot of things. Right now I'm not doing
any administrative jobs. I'm just weaving.
In actuality, Joanna was involved in more than "just weaving," she also had other
responsibilities in this "sheep to shawl" enterprise. Both she and her husband, Randy,
raised sheep and in 1991 their flock of 70 included the churro and karakul breeds. Her
children also worked with the flock. Her daughter was raising two sheep, an ewe and a
ram, and her son accompanied his father on his rounds of tending the sheep. The familial
effort in sheep ranching was fairly common among the members of Ganados. Adults and
children alike, regardless of sex, had opportunities to learn some aspects of sheep
ranching. In addition to the pastoral work, children were encouraged to learn traditional arts
through a cultural program which taught them the crafts of weaving, tin work, and pottery.
[20] Classes were held in a space just off of the main showroom in the Tierra Wools outlet.
[21]
Peer training among the weavers was always an intentional aspect of the Tierra Wools
program. Joanna, now a Maestra, trained several other women in the spinning and weaving
processes. Shortly after she became a Maestra in 1983 she trained Nena Russon. Before
Nena became a weaver, she worked as a bookkeeper for Tierra Wools. After a few weeks
of working in the outlet and watching the weavers at their looms, her interest grew. She
asked to join a newly begun series of classes where she learned weaving from Joanna and
Rachel. Nena described spending long periods of time, six to eight hours a day, five days a
week, in front of the loom as she learned the art, she also said that she asked everyone,
especially Joanna and Rachel, a lot of questions. Since that time she has become one of the
most esteemed weavers and her work is in high demand. [22]
Nena was also expanding her interests and abilities beyond weaving for Tierra Wools. She
was taking general education courses at the local community college ("local" in this sense
means the school is 75 miles from Los Ojos). Nena planned to receive an A.A. in art and
then transfer to the University of New Mexico at Los Alamos where she will work on a
bachelor's degree. Nena ended her first semester in school in the spring of 1992 with a 4.0
average. Even though Nena has her sights focused on other work for herself, she echoed
similar feelings as did Joanna and other Tierra Wools Member-owners regarding the
personal and creative fulfillment which weaving gave them. Nena said,
I like weaving because the fact that you can see the
finished product means more. If you type a letter and you mail it, you don't
appeciate the work that went into it as much as you can when you see a rug
hanging on the wall. It's especially exciting when somebody comes in,
loves it, and buys it. I really like the weaving more than I like the
bookkeeping. Now that I am the Treasurer of the [Tierra Wools] Board, I
oversee the bookkeeping, but I don't do the work. I have a bookkeeper.
But, now she's gotten into weaving, so I'm scared. I don't want to loose
her as a bookkeeper!
Joanna also made distinctions between the creative satisfaction she received from weaving
and the more mundane but important aspects of the Tierra Wools work when she said,
Weaving is a lot more rewarding because you can see it
being worked on, and little by little you create this wonderful, beautiful
thing. In administrative work, you really can't see until the end of the year if
you did well.
Critical Social Conflicts
There were two significant social issues which arose among the Hispanas of the
cooperative, one early in its history and the other within the past two years. The first large
cultural disjuncture which happened among the Hispanas of Tierra Wools took place along
generational lines and was not resolved; there remains a tension about the relationship of
elder women, who were weavers long before there was a Tierra Wools, to the weaving
cooperative.
It seems that there was a generational split between the elder weavers, with whom Rachel
Brown first met in the convent, and the mostly younger weavers, who eventually became
the driving force of Tierra Wools. None of the weavers interviewed, all of whom were of
the younger generation, spoke about this part of their histories. When later asked about this
historical lacuna they demurred on the matter. It was Rachel who talked about the elders.
She said,
[At the beginning] there were several older women and
they were doing rugs. Kika Chávez was doing some very wonderful
tapestry. She knew her stuff. They all just wove along on their own. In
some ways I feel kind of bad because the starting of Tierra Wools
discouraged some of those older women. They were kind of left in the dust
because the group got so energetic. The older women who had loved to
come over got discouraged because you had to work at it a certain number
of hours a day in order to be affiliated with the project.
However, not all of the older women were discouraged. Kika was among the two elders
who remained and provided a cultural and historical continuity for the group. In fact, Kika
completed the weaving curriculum as one of the original graduates and earned the title of
Maestra. This was an exciting moment because while Kika Chávez understands
spoken English she is unable to read in the language. Rachel's class materials and exams
were written entirely in English. Therefore, all materials were read to Chávez and
she performed all exams orally. In spite of her successes over the eight years in which she
was closely connected to Tierra Wools, she cut back on her hours as her husband objected
to her working outside of the home. Over time she did manage to entice her
daughter-in-law, Sophie Chávez, to enroll in the weaving classes. Sophie was also
successful in her work and today is the Production Manager for Tierra Wools.
Elder Hispanas were not the only group for whom there arose difficult issues. The second
major critical moment occurred for the generation of those with young families for whom
the matter of child care was and is vital. Until the spring of 1992, weavers brought their
children with them to the weaving room at the Tierra Wools outlet. However, the
Member-owners determined that with the increase of work volume, the decrease of space,
and the numbers of children, the weaving room was off-limits to children. The result was a
reversal of the long-standing policy allowing pre-school children to accompany their
mothers to work. In the absence of low-cost, quality child care options and/or the means to
pay for child care, the mothers of young children were unable to weave regularly if at all.
For some Hispanas the alternative was to purchase a loom and to weave at home.
However, looms can cost between $2,000 and $4,000 and most families were unable to
make such a costly investment. The Member-owners were beginning to look at other
options such as providing on-site child care for weavers. In an effort to create a more
suitable environment for children, Tierra Wools Member-owners applied for and received a
grant from the Save the Children Fund; this money made it possible for them to purchase
playground equipment. However, the ban on children at the work site was still in effect as
of the summer of 1992. Sophie Chávez noted of this situation,
There were just too many small kids. It was getting
dangerous. We have to build some kind of child care. But, I have noticed
that production is down a little bit now that children can't come. Some of
the mothers can't afford child care, so they stay at home most of the day
with their kids, and they come in the evening, or they come early in the
morning.
This type of decision-making, especially within the consensual process, was not simple or
easy for the Tierra Wools weavers. Many of the Member-owners cited the decision-making
process as the most difficult part of working in the cooperative. A variety of management
configurations were in effect over the years. Joanna, formerly the Marketing Manager,
remembered one particularly difficult period when,
Instead of having three different managers, we decided
to try out only having one. It didn't work. I think that the reason it didn't is
because we don't have the right training. All the people in management
don't have any training. Everything they learn is "on the job," and it is
really difficult to learn like that. I think that's the one mistake. We don't
train people to have some idea of what and how they are going to do in the
job.
Production Manager Sophie Chávez held a job which required her to assign
weaving tasks and production goals to all weavers including the Member-owners. She was
acutely aware of the stress which the responsibilities of the job brought. She also talked
about the difficulty of working with people who are related to each other in an intimate
way,
We have mothers, daughters, and people who have been
friends for a long time. It is kind of hard to say "no." Also making the right
decisions is hard. Sometimes you make decisions and it just doesn't work
out and it is stressful.
Nena expressed both her frustration and love for working with women who are close
friends,
It is hard working with women. We have a lot of
conflicts going on a lot of time, and we're ready to kill each other half the
time. But, at the same time, we are real supportive of each other. When it
comes down to it, we would do anything for each other. Then the next
day,we are talking about them. That's how it is. . .living here as long as we
have, knowing each other, growing up with each other...knowing
everything! I tell people that we live in Paradise and we pay a price. We
can't have really good jobs, but we have a little modest house, and it is all
kick-back. The children are growing up in an atmosphere that is really
nice.
There was a price for the sense of community and well-being, but it seemed that for many
villagers the rewards outweighed many of the social difficulties. This level of group
cooperation and self-reliance, which occurred among the weavers of Tierra Wools, seemed
to be a direct reflection and extension of the villagers need to constantly be flexible and
creative in the face of tough economic, political, and environmental conditions. While it
would be a mistake to believe that these histories will eventually unfold with a happy
ending where the villagers shepherd their ways into the sunset, there are certain indicators
which point in the direction of success.
Cultural Politics and the Local Economy
The most obvious evidence of a positive economic change for the villagers was seen on the
main street of Los Ojos. Cindy Friday, Marketing Manager for Tierra Wools, summarized
the ways in which the physical manifestation of economic success takes place on this
principal, indeed only, arterial,
When we first started here, there was not a single thing
on Main Street that was open for business except for Tierra Wools. Nothing
was here. Everything had gone out of business. Then after us came
Pastores Feed & General Store; then the gentleman across the way started
his printing press and art gallery. Now we even have Mary Ann's cafecito.
And several people have shown an interest in buying the building across the
street and opening a business.
However, the path to this economic recovery was not smooth and required the
Member-owners of Tierra Wools to acquire a working knowledge of macro-economics and
small business skills and techniques. In the ten years that Tierra Wools has existed the
annual operating budget grew from zero to $225,000. This is an amazing rate of growth
given that 90-95% of all sales occur at the isolated rural outlet. Because their marketing
budget is quite tiny, the predominance of advertising about the weaving cooperative is
word-of-mouth generally by the proud out-of-area owners of Tierra Wool weavings. Rugs
and blankets range in price from $175 to more than $4,000. Smaller items such as pillows,
coasters, and throws cost between $20 and $250. One of the more thorny issues which the
organization grappled with in the early months of existence was the seemingly high price of
their goods and the wages paid to the weavers. When the outlet first opened there were
disgruntled rumors of exploitation from those in training to become weavers and those who
were considering becoming trained. In order to deal with the situation, María and
Rachel held several meetings in which the wage and pricing system was
explained.
Each product in the cooperative has a "labor allowance." Spinners and weavers are paid
every two weeks using that allowance as the basis for their pay. For example, it might be
determined that a single pillow has a "labor allowance" equivalent to four hours wages; a
weaver who was contracted to create ten pillows would be paid at the prevailing wage
(approximately $10 an hour) times four hours per pillow times ten. In other words, a
weaver would earn $400 for weaving the ten pillows. In addition to the weavers' wages,
costs such as yarn, the shop-keeper's wages, rent, and utilities are factored into the final
price. It was the disparity between the wages and the sales prices which caused alarm and
suspicion among weavers and villagers alike in the early days of Tierra Wools. However, a
series of discussions regarding the factors which comprised the pricing standards and
policies caused the initial fears of exploitation to dissipate.
Over the past decade, the Member-owners and weavers have built on these early
discussions. As a result, they have developed and woven their particular brand of political
and cultural consciousness into the fabric of the venture. The women of Tierra Wools have
created a space in their commercial dealings where the value of their weavings has a
significance other than and beyond the exchange value of the product. Both María
and Rachel had training in the administration of a business concern and they were able to
share these skills and information with the Tierra Wools Member-owners. Member-owners
learned basic business practices such as the development of income statements, balance
sheets, and cash flow projections. More and more these lessons made their way into the
basic weaving curriculum required of all prospective Member-owners.
In addition, the weaving cooperative acquired a computer system. The introduction of this
technology was because of the involvement of Robin Collier of San Francisco. [23] He has
a background in computer systems and crafts cooperative management, and initially came
to Rachel Brown to assist her in computerizing her business. After successfully working
with Rachel, he began to spend time at Tierra Wools. Robin trained the Member-owners so
that they were able to have all of their financial, stock inventory, and word processing
information on-line. One indicator of the success of all this training is that the 1992 Tierra
Wools annual meeting was held without the presence of María, Rachel, or Robin.
This was the first annual meeting ever comprised solely of Member-owners. The Hispanas
determined that they were able to conduct the planning for the up-coming fiscal year within
their own group; so they did not invite anyone outside of the immediate body of
governance to attend.
One of the items on the 1992 agenda was the matter of wholesale and/or consignment sales.
The Member-owners might take weavings and spun wool to three or four fairs such as the
Taos Wool Fair, but for now the majority of the sales work happens in the village outlet.
There was and continues to be a great deal of interest on the part of outside vendors
wanting to sell Tierra Wools goods; but the move to expand the business in this direction is
slow in coming. In fact, in 1992 the cooperative was turning down all requests from
outside wholesale vendors. There were two reasons for this. First, the weaving cooperative
was at a level of production in which they were adequately stocking their outlet in Los
Ojos, but they did not have a surplus of woven goods to ship out of the store. It was
possible that when the business at the outlet slowed down in the autumn and winter months
that the Member-owners would consider these requests. However, the second reason for
the Member-owners' cautious approach was a bit more complicated as Cindy Friday
explained,
We are really, really, really particular. We have a
four-page application that we send to prospective wholesalers. We include a
letter of explanation of the conditions of sale. They have to agree to tell the
story of Tierra Wools, and not just sell the piece.
The Tierra Wools Terms and Letter of Agreement also included specific directions to
wholesale vendors on the telling of the Tierra Wools history. The latter point was
particularly important to the Member-owners. As Sophie Chávez pointed out, "A lot
of people want to buy our stuff wholesale and they don't know anything about us."
Prospective vendors were also expected to answer questions regarding their promotional
capabilities, annual retail sales, and the types of products sold. Finally, wholesalers were
asked to complete an essay describing "why you feel that your outlet would be a good place
for the display and sale of Tierra Wools' weavings." This request was included so as to try
and avoid situations such as the one Sophie remembered.
Once we did some wholesaling with these people in
Sutters Dam. So, Joanna and I dropped by one day to see how things were
going. One of Joanna's tapestry blankets was on the floor, dirty, and it
didn't look good. Plus it was very expensive. It wasn't ours anymore, but
they weren't being respectful. Joanna talked to them and they said they'd try
to display it a little better.
Because of the positive results produced by the economic development strategies, the
villagers of Los Ojos and the surrounding area are beginning to believe that they may be
able to collectively improve their family economies with their own resources and talents.
The migration out-of-area by many young people will quite possibly diminish as the
opportunities for meaningful employment increase over time. María's,
Antonío's, and Gumercindo's early vision has grown with each successive
achievement. The three villagers continue their belief and involvement in the projects with
an eye to the future; they are rather realistic in their assessments of the struggle that
successes born of collective action require. Mar’a said of the human struggle involved in
collaborative efforts such as Tierra Wools,
The growth of the sense of ownership in a cooperative
business often develops unevenly among members. The larger the member
group, the longer it takes the entire group to "own" the business. Human
development is a long-term, labor intensive process and changes in markets,
competition for the resource base, or new production technologies can derail
fragile new businesses whose operators do not possess advanced
skills.
There is no doubt that the work of Ganados del Valle has had a profound impact on the
lives of the villagers of Rio Arriba County. These consequences are seen most dramatically
in the lives of the Hispanas who are the Member-owners of Tierra Wools. In the work of
managing the weaving cooperative, the Hispanas are personally empowering themselves
and rethinking the possibilities of their lives; they are learning about the interconnectedness
among political and social issues; they are re-acquainting themselves with their cultural
histories and heritages; and they are learning the very specific creative and technical skills
of being weavers and spinners.
All of these achievements have come within the context of an on-going social struggle over
the use of land and the right of a community to take responsibility for planning and
realizing their futures. The next stories of Tierra Wools are unwritten but if the recent past
is any indication, the Hispanas of the weaving cooperative will emerge more tenacious than
ever from the almost certain intense social and political struggles over land and the
self-determination it brings.
Notes
1. "We're looking for a home in our homeland," was said in frustration by Antonío
Manzanares when asked about the situation of villagers in Northern New Mexico.
Mazanares' frustration stems from the fact that for generations the villagers, throughout the
Chama Valley, have lived in almost perpetual exile from their native lands even as they
have continued to reside in the same geographic area. Thus, they continue to seek "home in
the homeland." Back to main text
2. Tierra Wools marketing brochure. Back to main text
3. Hispanas is the name used in New Mexico by mestizas, women of Indian and Spanish
descent. They do not use the term Chicana which is more commonly applied by mestizas
living in other parts of the Southwest and West; nor do they use the term Hispanic which is
U.S. government developed and issued. José Limón, University of
Texas-Austin Professor of English, examines in his essay, "The Folk Performance of
'Chicano' and the Cultural Limits of Political Ideology," the process of group naming; and
while he situates his critique within the borderlands of Texas-Mexico, he does comment on
the use of the category Hispanas/os by New Mexicans. He says "Younger people in New
Mexico preferred [being called] chicano although the majority chose "Spanish-American,"
"Hispano," or "Mexican." New Mexico has a peculiar denial of things Mexican and its
apparently still continuing romance with the Spanish past." The essay can be found in the
book, And Other Neighborly Names: Social Process and Cultural Image in Texas
Folklore, Richard Bauman and Roger D. Abrahams, eds. Austin: University of Texas
Press: 1981, pp. 197-225. For further discussion on the specific New Mexican use of
Hispana see the work of UCSC Community Studies Professor Patricia Zavella, "Feminist
Insider Dilemmas: Constructing Identity with 'Chicana' Informants," Frontiers: A Journal
of Women's Studies13.3 (1992). In this insightful essay she deconstructs her own political
relationship to the category Chicana while she concurrently discusses the role of naming
within Chicano cultural nationalism. She explores the effect of categories such as Chicana,
Hispana, Hispanic, and Spanish on her work as a Chicana sociologist conducting
ethnographic studies among mestizas in New Mexico. She also remarks on the reception
her work received when the way in which she spoke of mestiza/o identity did not comply
with the preconceived notions of naming and identity which were held by Chicana/o
scholars. Back to main text
4. I believe that "The Land" serves as both subject and object in the social and political
struggles of the area. The Land exists as the historically and socially constructed object of
material desire between binary forces, such as between "natives" and "imperialists."
Examples of such binary conflicts can be seen in various moments of Northern New
Mexican history: indigenous people battling Spanish colonials; Mexicans against
"Americans"; Las Gorras Blancas contra the Santa Fe Ring; shepherds versus cattle
ranchers; La Alianza Federal de Pueblos Libres fighting the State of New Mexico; Hispana
weavers in dispute with Anglo environmentalists. The Land also serves as the imaginary
subject of spiritual desire within Anglo cultural production such as in the literature of D. H.
Lawrence, in the artwork of Georgia O'Keeffe, and in the photography of Ansel Adams
and Edward Weston. However, for people such as the Hispanas/os, who maintain another
kind of relationship to The Land, and who call The Land "Mother", and for people, such as
the Indias/os, who believe that The Land exists in a state of animus, the earth is not
bifurcated into object/subject relations. For indigenous people or people, like Hispanas/os,
who are immigrants but have a long tenure to The Land, their cultural representations of
The Land are rendered by their relationship to or by their stewardship of the earth. Back to main text
5. María was one of two Chicanas who worked in the predominantly Black-white
organization. The other Chicana activist was Elizabeth "Betita" Martínez who also
moved to New Mexico and became involved in many of the popular issues of the time.
Betita has since become a highly respected historian and social critic. Her regularly
published commentary can be found in the magazine Zeta. Back to main text
6. Salazar was the instigator of this working trio. It was he who introduced Varela and
Manzanares to each other. " 'I'd seen her around,' Antonio recalled. 'A lot of people
thought she was, you know, a subversive. Well, she is - in a good way.' María,
for her part, wondered about Anton’o's willingness to commit to a collective project. 'It
wasn't an easy relationship,' she says." Michael Ryan, "The Village That Came Back to
Life," Parade Magazine: May 3, 1992, p.39. Back to main text
7. In the current permutation of the struggle for grazing land, sheep ranchers usually begin
negotiating with large landowners in February and March. In some cases, they must deal
with up to 15 different contingencies in the effort to find adequate land for foraging. Some
of these sites include use of U.S. Forest Service land, land situated on the site of a
proposed ski resort, and land owned by the Jicarilla Apache. Sometimes the negotiations
for grazing land can extend into the late spring, a critical time when lambs are being born.
This can make it almost impossible to move flocks the considerable distances from the
winter to the summer grazing sites. Back to main text
8. During the Carter administration Mar’a was invited to head VISTA. She declined saying,
"I didn't believe government could do anything for communities anyway." Manzanares,
who has a B.A. in psychology abandoned his plans for a career in law in order to work the
land that his family had owned for centuries. Back to main text
9. This occurred through the development of a partido (shares) system. People are initially
loaned 10 sheep apiece. They are supposed to return a lamb every year to the loan stock. At
the end of five or six years they will be expected to contribute 10 sheep to the loan stock. In
addition to this commitment, each sheep rancher must pay the price of one lamb each year
to the Ganados del Valle Scholarship Fund. The fund assists local high school graduates
who wish to continue their education in agriculture or related fields. Back to main text
10. Out of the non-profit economic development corporation, Ganados del Valle, first came
Tierra Wools, the spinning and weaving cooperative, and later on the self-described Rio
Arriba Wool Washing; followed by Pastores Lamb, the meat marketing and distribution
enterprise, and eventually, the Ganados members opened a store, Pastores Feed and
General Store, down the street from the Tierra Wools and Rio Arriba Wool Washing
outlets in Los Ojos. Back to main text
11. Rachel Brown is best known for her development of a portable spinning wheel and her
book The Weaving, Spinning, and Dying Book which was first published in 1978.
In its first edition there were five printings, it is now in it's fifth printing of the second
edition. She is the current owner/manager of Rio Grande Weavers Supply in Taos. Back to main text
12. Interview with Rachel Brown on June 13,1992. Back to main text
13. National Wool Grower Magazine, December 1989. Back to main text
14. Interview with María Varela on November 1, 1990 and Rachel Brown. Back to main text
15. Rachel Brown interview. Back to main text
16. This initial fear is remembered in every interview I had with current Member-owners of
Tierra Wools. However in speaking about her work today as an artist, each Member-owner
expressed herself with absolute assurance about her creative ability as a
weaver. Back to main text
17. One woman, Sophie Chávez, is often cited as an example of someone who was
so shy that when she came into the village stores she would order her goods without so
much as raising her head to look someone in the face. However, she is now the head of
production; in this role she leads groups of people on tours of the Tierra Wools and Rio
Arriba Wool Washing facilities. Interviews with Cindy Friday, Joanna Terrazas on June
12, 1992, and Sophie Chávez, herself, on June 11, 1992. Back to main text
18. Many thanks to UCSC Professor of Education and Oakes College Provost
María Eugenia Matute Bianchi for her insight on this point. Back to main text
19. In order to become a Member-owner of Tierra Wools one must have completed the
weaving curriculum and performed unpaid work of twenty hours a month for three years.
Member-owners are persons with decision making powers and responsibilities. As of the
summer of 1992, there were six Member-owners: Joanna Terrazas, Nena Russom, Molly
Manzanares, Sophie Chávez, Norma Martínez, and Irma Martínez;
three were interviewed for this study: Joanna, Nena and Sophie. They meet once a month
for policy related decisions. Management meetings are held weekly and have to do with
directing the day to day affairs of Tierra Wools. These meetings include Nena Russom,
Treasurer; Sophie Chávez, Production Manager; and Cindy Friday, Marketing
Manager. Back to main text
20. Although tin work is both a Spanish and a Mexican art tradition, it is speculated that tin
work in Northem New Mexico had its roots in the U.S. Civil War. The story is that when
soldiers came through the territory, they cast aside their tin cans which the Pueblo and
Hispanos made into art objects. Quintana 219. Back to main text
21. When their projects were completed, the children also had the opportunity to sell their
finished works through the Pastores General Store; the money made from these sales was
theirs to keep. Thus, the children of the village were also able to participate in the cultural
and economic projects of Ganados even as they learned about the histories of their people
and the land. Back to main text
22. Nena's weavings were in a joint exhibit with Joanna Terrazas' and Sophie
Martínez' work at the prestigious Millicent Rogers Museum in Taos. Back to main text
23. One note of irony is that Robin's grandfather, John Collier, was Indian Commissioner
and worked for the much hated U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). The BIA was and is
responsible for the administration of the repressive policies, which have been promulgated
by the government against indigenous people of the U.S. Back to main text
Works Cited
Alarcón, Norma. "This Bridge Called My Back and Anglo-American Feminism."
Criticism in the Borderland: Studies in Chicano Literature, Culture, and Ideology.
Ed. H*ctor Calderón and José David Saldívar. Durham: Duke
University Press, 1991. 28-41.
Benmayor, Rina. "Testimony, Action, Research, and Empowerment: Puerto Rican Women
and Popular Education." Women's Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History.
Ed. Sherna Berger Gluck and Daphen Patai. London: Routledge, 1991.
159-174.
Jackson, Donald Dale. "Around Los Ojos, sheep and land are fighting words."
Smithsonian (April 1991): 37.
Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. "Cartographies of Struggle." Third World Women and the
Politics of Feminism. Ed. Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes
Torres. Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1991. 1-49.
National Wool Grower Magazine (December 1989)
Ochoa, María. Interview with Cindy Friday.
Ochoa, María. Interview with Joanna Terrazas on June 12, 1992.
Ochoa, María. Interview with Mar’a Varela on November 1, 1990 and Rachel
Brown.
Ochoa, María. Interview with Nena Russom on June 12, 1992.
Ochoa, María. Interview with Rachel Brown on June 13, 1992.
Ochoa, María. Interview with Sophie Martínez on June 12, 1992.
Quintana, Frances. Pobladores Two: Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontier.
Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991.
Tafoya, Guadalupe. Shared Traditions: New Mexican and Peruvian Weavings.
Taos: Millicent Rogers Musuem, 1992.
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